No man or woman is an island, not even in that sacrosanct
chamber of democracy known as the ballot box. That’s because the nature of an
assigned polling place can, without people knowing, sway how they vote — enough
to swing a close election, a new study indicates.
In a 2000 statewide election in Arizona, a greater
proportion of people who voted at schools supported a school-funding initiative
than did people who voted at churches or other polling places, say marketing
professor Jonah Berger of the University
of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia and his colleagues. The
researchers statistically controlled for a variety of factors that might have
affected this finding, which they report online June 23 in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
A follow-up experiment conducted online found that people
more often supported a school-funding initiative if they had just seen images
of school settings during an ostensibly unrelated task, as opposed to images of
office buildings and other structures. Participants reported no awareness of the
school images having influenced their support for the initiative.
“Consequential real-world decisions can be influenced by
subtle environmental features outside awareness,” says political economist and
study coauthor Marc Meredith of Stanford
University.
This study is the first to probe how polling places
influence the vote, Meredith adds.
Berger’s team offers one of the best demonstrations to date
of situational influences on real-world behavior, remarks Yale University
psychologist John Bargh.
Laboratory studies have indicated that background features
of a person’s immediate environment, such as a church, seamlessly activate
knowledge and attitudes related to churches. This same mental process allows
people to recognize acquaintances instantly and to know effortlessly how to
classify various entities, such as chairs or trees, Bargh says.
It’s too soon to make any policy recommendations based on
the new study, in Meredith’s view. “All voting systems are likely to have
unappealing consequences,” he says. Earlier research found that voter turnout
depends heavily on the proximity of polling places to people’s homes, the
stability of polling locations and parking availability at polling sites.
Given the possibility that unscrupulous politicians might
now try to manipulate polling locations to increase support for favored causes,
Bargh recommends careful deliberation about where people should vote. “It may
not be possible to find a perfectly neutral polling place, but a city hall
makes more sense than a church or school, at least for me,” he says.
Berger’s team analyzed precinct-level election results from Arizona’s 2000 general
election. An initiative on that ballot proposed raising the state sales tax to
increase education spending.
About 56 percent of people who voted at schools supported
the initiative, compared with 54 percent of people who voted at other locations,
the scientists report. That difference, although small, was statistically
significant, even when school-based voters were compared only to those who
voted at sites located near schools.
The analysis controlled for factors that could have affected
the results, such as an observed tendency for a greater number of education-friendly
people to live near and vote at schools and a propensity for affluent, liberal
people to use schools as polling places.
Voting at schools had no effect on the outcomes for ballot
measures unrelated to education.
Berger’s group then administered political attitude surveys
to 327 adults as part of an online experiment. Two weeks later, participants
rated the brightness of a series of images. Half perused images of schools
mixed with those of office buildings. The rest examined images of churches and
office buildings.
Immediately afterward, participants read a description of
the Arizona
education initiative and indicated whether they would support it. Nearly 64
percent of those shown school images endorsed the measure, compared with 56
percent of the rest. People who initially supported the need for new taxes and
who had children were most likely to support the initiative. These influences
had an effect on volunteers who had seen images of the schools but not as much
as they had on those who saw other images.
When asked later, no one who viewed school images thought the
scenes had boosted their receptivity to the education initiative.
The polling place effect joins other subtle environmental
influences on voting, such as the tendency for people to vote slightly more
often for candidates whose names appear first on a ballot.
The new findings raise important questions for further
research, Meredith says, such as whether voting in a church influences support
for gay marriage or stem cell research and whether voting in a school boosts
preferences for candidates strongly associated with education.
Found in: Behavior and Humans